The work of Ecuadorean Attorney General Diana Salazar has led to several prominent officials being implicated in the so-called “Metástasis” investigation.

The first prison sentence connected to the “Metástasis” corruption investigation in Ecuador was handed down to a police officer, Gabriel García, on July 15. García was convicted for passing information about police investigations to drug kingpins. Numerous prominent officials will soon be facing their own sentencing, all cases stemming from the work of Attorney General Diana Salazar, who has led the massive “Metástasis” investigation into dozens of prosecutors, judges, police and officials who were charged with colluding with and aiding the nation’s gangs. What has the “Metástasis” probe revealed about the dynamics and severity of corruption in Ecuador? How should the results of Salazar’s investigation inform security policy and the strategy for fighting Ecuador’s gangs? What policies need to be adopted to address corruption in Ecuador moving forward?

Glaeldys González Calanche, Giustra Fellow for the Latin America and Caribbean Program at the International Crisis Group: “The ‘Metástasis’ case represents the most significant legal battle against corruption and drug trafficking in Ecuador’s history. The case, involving a network of corrupt officials financed by drug trafficker Leandro Norero, kicked off a sprawling investigation that reaches into the highest levels of national law enforcement and other state institutions, including the judiciary. The case is a major stride forward in Ecuador’s anti-corruption efforts, but it also exposes how far the country still has to go. The proceedings have revealed the deep infiltration of organized crime into state institutions and suggests that the corrections and judicial systems are severely compromised. This does not come as a great surprise: there is a widely shared perception in Ecuador that entrenched collusion between criminal actors and state officials has fueled the expansion of organized crime in recent years, while also hindering efforts to combat it. Rebuilding that trust by taking on corruption will require a vast effort, which should start with a few concrete steps. These include strengthening the selection and training processes for personnel within the justice system and security forces, auditing key institutions affected by corruption and removing tainted staff, and also enhancing internal oversight mechanisms and working conditions, in line with international standards and best practices. The judiciary must also be further empowered to effectively investigate, prosecute and adjudicate corruption cases, including ones that implicate itself, by training its personnel on how to handle this type of delicate case, and also enhancing efforts to guarantee the security of judges and prosecutors specialized in investigating corruption and organized crime cases. Without dismantling the criminal networks embedded within the state, any gains against organized crime will be temporary.”

Laura Lizarazo, senior analyst for the Andean region at Control Risks: “This probe underscores the depth and width of state infiltration—and even capture—by organized criminal groups (OCGs) operating large-scale drug trafficking and money laundering networks in Ecuador. The unprecedented expansion, military and financial strengthening of OCGs in this country would not have been possible without the active, coordinated collaboration of corrupt state figures, from low-and mid-ranking members of the police and military at local levels along the ‘cocaine route’ (coastal Esmeraldas, Guayas, El Oro, Los Rios and Manabí provinces), to top military, executive, judicial, prosecutorial and legislative officials at the national level. These probes should inform a plan to: 1.) launch a judiciary-evidence-based ‘purge’ of corrupt state bodies; 2.) identify the critical enablers of state corruption in those institutions and government levels; and 3.) create tailored, credible and sustainable incentives (such as salaries and other compensations, anonymity and physical protection) for public officials in those capacities and agencies. This would be the first ‘shock’ phase of a broader, comprehensive state strategy to improve judicial independence, law enforcement and prosecution capabilities to prevent and combat corruption. Salazar’s investigation results should also be integrated into President Daniel Noboa’s security strategy, which so far has prioritized a solely military approach to combat OGCs. His government seems to have completely disregarded the efforts to topple the sophisticated criminal corruption networks that today permeate Ecuador’s government branches, as well as financial and business ecosystems. Temporarily eroding OCGs’ tactical capabilities (logistics, communication networks)—as so far Noboa’s eight-month iron-fist campaign has achieved-without hitting their strategic assets (money, domestic and transnational accomplices) will not deliver a sustainable security improvement.”

Alberto Acosta Burneo, editor of Weekly Analysis in Guayaquil: “The ‘Metastásis’ case has reminded us that corruption is a structural problem in Ecuadorean society, affecting both institutions and the moral values of society. The populism of Correato and its fight against institutions have left a costly legacy. When institutions are weakened, values do not survive, leading to a moral crisis. Rebuilding institutions is a complex task that requires work on several fronts. The fight against corruption begins at home, with education, setting an example of honesty for our children in daily life. Simple actions such as not cutting in line, not taking others’ belongings, giving the correct change and keeping our promises are essential. Corruption has become normalized in Ecuadorean society. Initiatives are needed to impose a moral punishment on the corrupt. This could be achieved through ‘lists of shame’ that include those convicted of corruption. The population must stop accepting corruption as a normal part of the environment. In public administration, regulations must be changed to ensure that all activities are accessible to the public. ‘State secrets’ should not exist. It is crucial to reinstate bidding in public procurement and eliminate direct contracting. Encouraging oversight by the press and citizens through social networks is fundamental, as is protecting those who report corruption. At the institutional level, it is vital to limit the power of the state through a clear division of powers. This will allow control institutions to regain their competencies and minimize the political arbitrariness of the executive. The state must have well-defined objectives and functions, prioritizing public spending in those areas.”

Adrián Pérez Salazar, senior associate at Coronel & Pérez: “The ‘Metástasis,’ ‘Purga’ and ‘Plaga’ corruption investigations in Ecuador have uncovered deeply rooted corruption networks within the nation’s legal and security systems, highlighting extensive collusion between high-ranking officials, politicians, judges and drug cartels. While the Ecuadorean government and judiciary have always exhibited high levels of corruption, Attorney General Diana Salazar has demonstrated how entrenched this corruption has become and its entanglement with the larger dynamics of drug violence. Corruption in Ecuador is not isolated but rather systematic, weakening law enforcement and judicial efficacy and exacerbating crime and violence. The results of Salazar’s investigations underscore the need for a comprehensive overhaul of Ecuador’s anti-corruption strategies, particularly in the judiciary. Strengthening internal controls and enhancing oversight mechanisms in judicial institutions are crucial. This could involve establishing independent bodies with robust powers to investigate and prosecute corruption without interference. Additionally, fostering a culture of accountability and transparency is vital. Salazar’s findings come at a time when Ecuador’s levels of gang-related violence have reached unprecedented levels. As such, the common citizen understands now more than ever how corruption (and particularly judicial corruption) is not an abstract problem only affecting lawyers and judges, but a veritable cancer that is directly linked with the horrific violence that Ecuador witnesses every day. As such, the issue of judicial corruption has at last become an issue of universal concern that could energize political actors into finally enacting structural reforms that will allow Ecuador to take back control of its courts.”

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