Perhaps hundreds of thousands of lives—inside Venezuela and across its borders—now depend on whether our leaders can put aside their battle for control, engage politically in good faith, and momentarily put the wellbeing of citizens first by taking the urgent steps needed to combat the virus crisis and its consequences.
The actions, or lack thereof, of the presidents of the region’s two biggest countries, Mexico and Brazil, have drawn particular scrutiny, casting a fresh spotlight on populism in Latin America and its particular vulnerabilities in the face of a global pandemic.
It is hard to imagine exactly what kind of deal Bolsonaro and Trump, both anomalous, unconventional leaders, drawn to one another mainly by temperament and ideology, could strike with another. Could they really end up accomplishing what previous governments in both countries had failed to achieve? Could they forge an alliance between two countries that have long maintained a rather distant and often distrustful relationship?
What the Bush administration showed is how crucial “style” is in diplomacy. Genuine and regular consultations are key to building trust and a sense of community. This is true generally, but especially so in Latin America, where the asymmetry with the United States is so pronounced and has strongly shaped inter-American relations, often with unhappy results.
After little more than a year of tension-filled talks, US and Mexican negotiators have reached a preliminary agreement that would largely preserve, in both concept and content, the original NAFTA. But for both Mexico and Canada, the uncertain and painful renegotiation of NAFTA comes with high costs beyond the expected economic losses. Resolving the NAFTA dispute will not repair the damage Trump has inflicted on US relations with both Mexico and Canada.
The State Department’s response to the sonic attacks in Cuba has been disproportionate and is harmful to US interests and the Cuban people.
With a constant stream of offensive and intimidating rhetoric addressed to Mexico, compounded by a mean-spirited and highly contentious set of policy proposals, Trump himself is largely responsible for the sharp deterioration in bilateral ties in the past two years.
Historically, the United States has not invited OAS observers. To some, this was an implicit argument that observers are a more useful tool for weaker or less-stable democracies.
For anyone still wondering how Donald Trump came to be the Republican Party’s nominee for president of the United States, his surprise visit to Mexico on Wednesday for a meeting with President Enrique Peña Nieto offered some clues.
As the “island of enchantment” descends further into a nightmarish debt and economic crisis, fights for Puerto Rico’s future have spread to Washington and the public eye.
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