José Raúl Mulino took office July 1 as president of Panama and vowed at his inauguration to crack down on irregular immigration through the treacherous Darién Gap, which separates Panama from Colombia. In one of its first acts, Mulino’s government signed a memorandum of understanding with the United States in which Washington agreed to cover the costs of repatriating some migrants. What are the most important actions Mulino is expected to take to fight irregular immigration, and will they succeed? How important is the commitment from the United States in reducing irregular migration through Panama? What are the biggest challenges facing Mulino in that effort?
Samuel Lewis Navarro, former vice president of Panama: “One of the most important and urgent issues that the Mulino administration has been tackling since day one is the flow of illegal immigrants through Panama, specifically through the Darién Gap. I applaud the fact that the first act of the new government on July 1 was the signing of a memorandum of understanding between Panama and the United States. For too long now, Panamanian authorities have allowed this flow to go on, which constitutes a human tragedy. Even worse, some people have been profiting from this tragic situation. The United States, as the final destination of this immigration, needs to cooperate with the countries that have been used by the illegal immigrants to move north. This is not a concern to any one country in particular, but rather to the whole region. As many have expressed, stopping the flow will not solve the underlying reasons for this migration but will deter it as the economic, political and social conditions are tackled in the different countries. In terms of the United States’ commitment to this effort by Panama, it is absolutely imperative that it be not only political, but it has to be economic as well. This issue requires significant resources from transit countries that instead should be used to solve the pressing issues of their own people. Repatriation flights and other similar efforts should be paid by the United States and must done taking into consideration the human rights of all.”
John Feeley, former U.S. ambassador to Panama: “President Mulino’s swift action to reclaim sovereign control of the Darién from the human traffickers who guided more than 500,000 undocumented individuals through the jungle in 2023 is both welcomed and encouraging. Just as commendable was the deft diplomatic maneuvering by the U.S. Embassy in Panama and the Biden administration to coordinate the signing of a deportation flight memorandum on the day of Mulino’s inauguration. With this strong beginning, the Biden administration must now accomplish two essential tasks. First, it must quickly and effectively execute the deportation flight operations with Panama’s government. Second, it must bring Colombia to the table, since deporting migrants once they reach the Panamanian side of the Darién hellscape is only half the solution. The Colombian government has historically avoided confronting the Gaitanista criminal syndicate that controls its Gulf of Urabá region. The Biden team should now negotiate a joint maritime law enforcement operation with both Panama and Colombia that uses U.S. Coast Guard assets to patrol the Gulf of Urabá and interrupt the small vessels that bring the migrants from Necoclí and Capurganá to the Colombian side of the Darién. With a capable and willing partner in Panama and the political will to bring the unpredictable Gustavo Petro to the table, the Biden team might finally be able to address a gaping hole in its hemispheric migration strategy. A first step toward this trilateral solution should be a side meeting between U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken and his Colombian and Panamanian counterparts at this week’s APEP ministerial in Washington.”
Sabrina Bacal, anchor and former news director at TVN Media Panamá: “The migratory accord-agreement between the United States and Panama must first be analyzed through the lens of the political objectives sought by both heads of state. Mulino received a pat on the back and was legitimized by the same government, which listed his political godfather (ex-President Ricardo Martinelli), on the State Department’s corruption list. Furthermore, he showed his willingness to keep one of his campaign promises—to alleviate the economic cost that the migratory crisis implies for Panama. President Biden was able to execute an action that may earn him points with the U.S. electorate, which is preoccupied with the real or perceived consequences of the unregulated migration across the country’s southern border. Mulino has stated that ‘the true southern border of the USA is not Texas, but Darién.’ This statement shows Panama to be completely in line with U.S. policy. His accord’s viability requires a much greater effort than the early political advantages would imply. Voluntary repatriations necessitate accords with the migrant´s countries of origin and with the countries that are on their routes. In this regard, there is a key government that has shown no interest in collaborating with stemming the migrant flow: Colombia. On the other side of Darién’s jungle, President Gustavo Petro and Colombia’s ombudsman have already criticized the razor-wire fences that Panama’s government had begun to erect at some sites. Colombia also questions the efforts to close the border altogether to migrants. These obstacles are an early reminder of the complexities and challenges inherent in turning the U.S.-Panama memorandum into a reality.”
Orlando J. Pérez, professor of political science at the University of North Texas at Dallas: “President Mulino campaigned on a promise of ‘closing the Darién Gap’ and repatriating migrants who cross it. Migration through the remote border area with Colombia grew to more than 500,000 in 2023, nearly doubling from 2022. Panama lacks the infrastructure to effectively handle the flow of migrants, and international efforts to mitigate transnational movements toward the Darién have had limited effects. The agreement signed between Panama and the United States entails putting U.S. homeland security teams on the ground to build capacity to identify which migrants could be deported and then help with the cost. Mulino has also ordered the building of a series of barbed-wire fences along key transit points to redirect the flow of migrants more efficiently. However, Colombian authorities have already warned that the fences might increase pressure on villages across the border and undermine the rights of migrants. The policy of closing the Darién has been met with skepticism by Colombia, Mexico and other nations in the region that are concerned such a move will exacerbate the pressure on those countries. Sending migrants back to their home country is easier said than done. To succeed the policy will require cooperation with the countries of origin. The policy also does not address the underlying causes of migration, rooted in violence, economic deprivation and political instability in the countries of origin. The outcome of Venezuela’s July 28 elections, for example, will significantly affect potential migration flows. If the Maduro regime cancels or manipulates the election results and then cracks down on protests, migration pressures will increase, making the Darién situation even worse.”
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