The U.S. government is reorienting its defense strategy toward the Western Hemisphere after decades of focusing on conflicts elsewhere, the U.S. undersecretary of defense for policy, Elbridge Colby, told defense ministers from across the hemisphere at a conference in Peru on July 8. Under the Trump Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine, or the so-called ‘Donroe Doctrine,’ the United States seeks to ‘deny adversaries’ ability to position forces or other threatening capabilities’ in the Western Hemisphere, Colby noted. To what extent does U.S. military policy in Latin America benefit the sovereignty of countries in the region, as Colby argued? How much support does the Trump administration have in the region for its military policies? What are the long-term effects of the Trump administration’s military policy on Latin American countries’ relationship with the United States and with other countries such as China?
Juan Carlos Pinzón, former ambassador of Colombia to the United States; former Colombian minister of defense; and co-vice chair of the Inter-American board of directors: “It is positive for Latin America to become a higher priority in U.S. foreign policy. The region needs active U.S. cooperation on security challenges, particularly the expansion of organized crime, cartels and gangs, which have weakened the investment climate, slowed economic growth and exacerbated inequality. In countries such as Mexico, Ecuador, Colombia, Venezuela and Brazil, criminal groups increasingly control territories, natural resources and local populations, threatening democracy, stability and human rights. The growing influence of organized crime in politics coincides with a stronger presence of extra-regional powers. Some of these powers support authoritarian regimes in Cuba, Nicaragua and Venezuela, which contribute to regional instability through their links to criminal networks and extremist political actors. Addressing these challenges requires a comprehensive strategy that combines security cooperation with policies that promote trade, investment, technology transfer and education. U.S. security engagement is most effective when based on coordination, respect for legal standards and human rights, and clear metrics to measure progress. Prior experience in Colombia demonstrates the benefits of close security cooperation. Expanding collaboration in intelligence, mobility, training, doctrine, logistics and operational planning and execution strengthened the country’s ability to exercise sovereignty, protect communities and foster economic development. While Latin America needs greater investment in infrastructure and development, such engagement should occur on fair terms and not be used as a tool of political influence that advances extra-regional agendas at the expense of national interests.”
Daniel Erikson, former senior director for Western Hemisphere affairs at the U.S. National Security Council and former U.S. deputy assistant secretary of defense for the Western Hemisphere: “The United States has struggled to appropriately calibrate the role of the U.S. military in Latin America since the end of the Cold War, when the collapse of the Soviet Union eliminated the most potent set of defense threats and the region largely became ‘a zone of peace,’ at least as far as inter-state conflict was concerned. While border skirmishes and disputes persisted in some cases, Latin America’s main security threats in recent years have emanated from the illegal drug trade, illicit networks and internal armed conflicts, most notably in Colombia. Former Secretary of Defense William Perry, who in 1995 convened the first Conference of Defense Ministers of the Americas (CDMA) in Williamsburg, Va., presaged this change by creating hemispheric agreement around the ‘Williamsburg Principles.’ First among these principles was the preservation of democracy as the basis for ensuring mutual security and affirming that the region’s militaries are subordinate to civilian authorities. The principles also enshrined increased transparency in defense matters, respecting human rights through training and practice, and the importance of defending sovereignty. When Perry’s initial vision is compared with the ‘Donroe Doctrine’ as recently articulated by Undersecretary Colby in Cusco, well, let’s just say we are a long way from Williamsburg. And further than we need to be given that combating all of the region’s current threats—from drugs and thugs to cybercrime and the rising influence of China—can be done more effectively and efficiently using both bilateral and multilateral tools of cooperation. Defense modernization in the region is a key goal, but it will require laying a foundation that can survive the current political juncture. The Williamsburg Principles animated U.S. defense policy in the Americas for a generation. Even if that period has now ended, one suspects that the impact of the defense conference in Cusco will be more fleeting.”
Melissa Ford Maldonado, director of the Western Hemisphere Initiative at the America First Policy Institute: “Washington has spent the better part of the last generation chasing crises half a world away and debating whether America’s priorities belong in Europe, the Middle East or the Indo-Pacific. Meanwhile, Latin America quietly reached its own conclusion. The Trump administration is reversing decades of neglect with an unprecedented shift toward the Western Hemisphere. Elbridge Colby’s remarks in Peru reflected that shift. For years, Latin American leaders wondered why Washington had neglected its own neighborhood. Today, many are saying: ‘Welcome back. What took you so long?’ That’s why governments are choosing to join the U.S.-led security apparatus. They see a stronger American security presence as advancing their own interests. The proof is in the pudding. Since President Trump returned to office, seven governments in Latin America have shifted to the right, and presidential candidates in Colombia and Peru even campaigned on joining Shield of the Americas. Critics portray the ‘Donroe Doctrine’ as a threat to sovereignty. Properly understood, it is a defense of it. The Monroe Doctrine was designed to keep extra-hemispheric powers out of the Americas. Today, the flags have changed, but not the principle. China is financing strategic ports near the Panama Canal. Russia operates a signals intelligence facility in Cuba just 90 miles from Florida. Iran continues strengthening partnerships with anti-American regimes across the region. That is Colby’s point. The Trump Corollary is an invitation. America’s interest is in creating capable allies who can defend themselves, control their own territory, and resist hostile foreign influence. That is sovereignty. Increasingly, the region is choosing it. It benefits Washington, but it benefits Latin America first.”
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