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Pope Francis deeply disappointed those in both the US and Cuba who wanted him to vocally condemn Cuba’s continuing human rights abuses and severe restrictions on the most basic freedoms, and to demand more rapid changes on the island. What is never made clear is what the Pope might have accomplished, apart from making the Castro regime’s opponents feel good, by criticizing the Cuban government, meeting with dissidents, or otherwise irritating his hosts.
By this time it should be apparent that the Pope is a pragmatic and purposeful leader. He has made clear that he is not interested in abstractions, but wants his words and actions to be judged on how they affect the real world. He knows that Cuba cannot be transformed overnight, and also that a process of change has begun on the island and needs to be nurtured. The government is gradually giving up its monopoly of power over the economy, allowing the emergence of some individual initiative (although still at a sluggish pace that hardly responds to the island’s vast economic and social problems). There is even some hope, certainly more than ever before, of a measure of political opening. Since the US-Cuban reconciliation was announced in December last year, access to information appears to have increased for ordinary citizens along with tolerance for open discussion—although plainly not for challenging the government, which is treated as harshly as ever.
The Pope is well aware that compromise and subtlety, not direct confrontation, is required for the Catholic Church, and he himself, to have a continuing, expanding role in Cuba’s transition over time.
Pope Francis’s approach to Cuba resembles that of John Paul II, the first pope to visit Cuba, in 1998. By then, he had already been widely acclaimed for his part in rousing resistance to communist rule in Poland, his native land, and helping to set that nation on a democratic course. Despite his success in Poland, he too understood that change would not come rapidly to Cuba, and indeed, there was almost nowhere to begin. There was nothing at all on the island like the Solidarity Movement that led the Polish democratizing effort. Rather than trying to replicate his experience in Poland, John Paul II focused on strengthening the Church in Cuba, the only institution that enjoyed any autonomy whatsoever from the government. He sought to broaden its freedom of action, shape its own affairs, and reinforce its ability to communicate its message and serve the country’s population. to the government.
Like John Paul II, Francis knows that whatever he wants to accomplish in Cuba demands patience and perseverance. The Pope is well aware that compromise and subtlety, not direct confrontation, is required for the Catholic Church (and he himself) to have a continuing, expanding role in Cuba’s transition over time. He also understands that there is no other way to encourage the governments of Latin America and Europe to take on greater responsibility for assisting Cuba through what will be a difficult period of economic, political, and social transition. The Pope spoke softly, but carried a big dream—and he challenged Cuban youth to dream boldly. When 50 years of diplomatic isolation and economic coercion by the world’s greatest power failed to bring change to Cuba, it is hard to imagine how Pope Francis’s three day visit could accomplish much—except by setting the stage for a sustained, long term engagement.
