This post is also available in: Português Español

It wasn’t the inauguration that Alvaro Uribe had wanted. In March, Colombia’s Constitutional Court denied him the possibility of ever seeking a third term, and so on Aug. 7 he witnessed the next best thing: Juan Manuel Santos sworn in as president. In his inaugural address, Santos called Uribe an “illustrious and once-in-a-lifetime” leader.

There’s no gainsaying Uribe’s accomplishments. If in 2002 the FARC controlled up to 50 percent of the nation’s territory, today the government is fully in control. Some 30,000 paramilitaries — convened by landowners to fight the guerrillas — put down their weapons. Colombia’s economy soared on the back of substantial foreign investment. And, especially, Colombians regained confidence in their government.

Santos owes his victory to his predecessor. Under the rubric “Thanks President Uribe,” his official web page posts an Uribe video inviting visitors to stay in touch. Still, Santos has a vision of his own that aims to benefit the 45 percent living in poverty, restore the judiciary’s independence and improve relations with Colombia’s neighbors.

On Tuesday, Santos and Hugo Chávez met in Santa Marta, Colombia. Both sides had played down expectations but, in the end, the two presidents agreed to restore diplomatic relations.

Chávez assured Santos that the FARC does not have a safe haven in Venezuela. He barely mentioned the source of constant tension with Uribe, Colombia’s agreement with Washington to allow the U.S. military access to seven Colombian bases. (In late July, a judicial report calling the agreement unconstitutional was submitted to the Constitutional Court and its ruling is expected shortly.)

Santos and Chávez agreed to develop and secure the border region. Social investments in the neediest communities on both sides, an infrastructure project to allow Venezuela access to the Pacific and a security commission to jointly patrol the area are all a good start. All the same, Colombia and Venezuela must work every day to uphold a “transparent, direct and respectful dialogue” if mutually beneficial relations are to be established.

The two leaders couldn’t be more different in style and substance yet, if their respective electorates so decide, both will be in power until 2018. Chávez has declared his intention to run in 2012 for a six-year term; Santos presumably won’t mind standing for reelection in 2014. Realpolitik is a better card to play than trip-wire confrontation.

Venezuelans are tired of Chávez’s knack for brandishing the threat of war at every turn. Both countries would profit from revitalized bilateral trade. Colombia also wants to recoup the $800 million Venezuela owes Colombian exporters. Renewed trade would especially benefit merchants and communities across the border.

The economy is Santos’ top priority, particularly sustaining economic growth. Boosting agricultural exports to Venezuela and elsewhere is imperative but so is an agrarian reform that returns peasants displaced by war to their lands. A major legal battle looms on the horizon. “I’m committed to those who have nothing and are tired of waiting,” Santos told Colombians.

Santos and Uribe also differ in style and substance. His appointment as justice minister a man who challenged Uribe for encroaching on the judiciary signals a respect for the separation of powers.

Welcome as well is the new administration’s statement on “principles and values,” a thinly veiled criticism of the corruption scandals under Uribe. Santos is a leader who honors institutions, Uribe a populist who sometimes acted as if the ends justified the means.

Santos and Chávez are said to be on opposite ends of the political spectrum. If we mean that Chávez is an autocrat who rules on a self-centered mission without caring how costly it is for Venezuelans and Santos a democrat who puts the material betterment of Colombians at the center, that’s true. But, I don’t think that’s the meaning implied.

Juan Manuel Santos, a social democrat, supported Uribe when the prospect of a failed state loomed large on Colombia’s horizon. Defending the nation is not a Right or Left matter. Strengthening the rule of law and abiding by checks and balances are democratic imperatives.

If Santos succeeds, Uribe’s legacy would be secured. By putting the emphasis on democracy while advancing prosperity and security, Santos may well be assured a place of honor in Colombian history.