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Last week the British and the rest of the world got a taste of the familiar Latin American balcanazo.  Wikileaks founder Julian Assange, speaking from the Ecuadoran embassy in London, publicly thanked president Rafael Correa for granting him asylum.

Predictably, Correa, who has specialized in the “permanent campaign” since he came to office in 2007, took advantage of the British government’s inexplicable decision to cite a 1987 law that would justify its entrance into another country’s embassy.   Correa saw that as a threat and a rallying cry for national sovereignty — not only in Ecuador, but in Latin America, where it is (with reason) such a sensitive issue.

The case aroused a sentiment of solidarity – much like in the Malvinas issue – among the region’s countries, as expressed in the declarations by UNASUR and OAS that reaffirm the inviolability of embassies. The more radical ALBA countries went even further and backed Correa’s decision to grant Assange asylum.

Correa, who boycotted April’s hemispheric summit in Cartagena because Cuba was not invited, once again became the center of attention.  To his obvious delight, Correa not only defied the UK and Sweden (where Assange has been wanted for possible indictment for sexual assault), but particularly the United States.  Correa claims Assange would eventually end up there — persecuted and treated unjustly because of embarrassing Wikileaks disclosures.

Correa is already in a strong position politically in Ecuador, and is likely to be reelected early next year.   Invoking national sovereign probably helps solidify his base of support.   At the regional level, Correa may be savoring the moment, but stimulating expressions of solidarity is not the same as exercising real leadership.

In Washington, Correa’s theatrics will have costs.  The Ecuadoran government is asking for renewal of trade preferences and stressing its cooperation in counter-drug policies.  But Correa’s decision and posturing on the Assange case will weaken the little support Ecuador has in Congress and the Obama administration.

There are many ironies and double standards.  Though Correa complains that the UK should grant Assange safe passage to Ecuador, Evo Morales – a Correa ally — has refused to do the same with a Bolivian senator given asylum by Brazil.   Correa is also considering a request from Belarus – not known for the rule of law – to extradite a man charged with fraud who had been granted refugee status in Ecuador.

Some have said that Correa has taken on the Assange cause to improve his image on press freedom.  But on that issue Correa does not have much credibility.  He has shown little tolerance of criticism.  Embracing Assange – the supposed champion of freedom of information – is at odds with Correa’s dismal record on this issue.

In his balcony speech, Assange criticized Putin for a severe prison sentence against Pussy Riot, a music group opposed to the Russian president.  So far this case has been met with silence in Quito, which shows how much the relationship between Correa and Assange has to do with politics.