Organization of American States Secretary-General Albert Ramdin wants stakeholders to agree to a new strategy for addressing the security, humanitarian and political crises in Haiti, he said in his inaugural address on May 30. In a subsequent interview with the Advisor, Ramdin did not rule out engagement with gangs as authorities seek to stabilize Haiti’s security situation before the Transitional Presidential Council’s mandate expires in February 2026. How feasible is Ramdin’s call for stabilizing Haiti? Could a political solution involve negotiation with organized criminal groups? What steps can multilateral organizations including the OAS take to improve security in the eight months remaining in the transitional council’s mandate?
Evallière Beauplan, former senator of the Republic of Haiti and president of the MOLHA party and SOLID coalition of parties: “SOLID welcomes the OAS secretary-general’s call for Haitian stakeholders to agree on a common strategy to address the country’s multiple crises. This hopeful call reflects an international desire to see Haiti return to stability and constitutional order. However, the implementation of such a vision remains uncertain due to the current configuration of the Transitional Presidential Council. In practice, the composition of the nine-member council with divergent ideologies constitutes a major source of blockage—internal dissensions and partisan interests undermine its effectiveness, to the detriment of the nation’s higher interests. Almost the entire metropolitan capital area is beyond the control of the authorities. Added to this is 45 percent of the territory of the Artibonite department, as well as the communes of Saut-d’Eau and Mirebalais. Nearly three million people are displaced. In this context, the hope of organizing a constitutional referendum by February 2026 appears highly compromised. Regarding negotiations with criminal groups, SOLID categorically rejects this perspective. Dealing with organizations designated as terrorists by the international community would undermine the legitimacy of institutions and the authority of the state. The vast majority of national opinion has already opposed this approach. Faced with the failure of the current team, SOLID calls on the OAS and other multilateral partners to quickly facilitate the establishment of a new, more limited structure with a clear mandate and a realistic road map. The support of our Latin American partners, particularly in the security sector, remains a top priority to create the minimum conditions for recovery.”
Ronald Sanders, ambassador of Antigua and Barbuda to the United States and the Organization of American States: “What is certain is that, without a significant use of force to dislodge the gangs’ stranglehold in Haiti, security will not improve, nor will a constitutional referendum occur by February 2026. However, such a force is most unlikely. The U.N. Security Council would not authorize it, and the OAS Charter does not permit it. So, Secretary-General Ramdin is right to pursue a new strategy. Any realistic strategy must face this central reality: The gangs have a strong and determinative presence, with substantial firepower and almost no incentive to disarm unilaterally. A greater realism is required. This demands cooperation among the U.N. and OAS secretaries-general, key U.N. Security Council members and the Haitian Transitional Council to establish a short-term stabilization plan in conjunction with a long-term economic transformation agenda. The short-term plan must provide targeted support to strengthen Haitian institutions, particularly the Haitian National Police, and bolster any feasible international security mission. Essentially, the strategy must also involve engagement with gang leadership, not to give them a share in power, but rather to provide them with incentives to cooperate in establishing the rule of law. History shows that dialogue, however difficult, has helped to resolve internal conflicts; without it, the status quo will persist.”
Tarlie Francis, ambassador of Grenada to the United States and the Organization of American States: “While admirable in its ambition, the feasibility of achieving Ramdin’s goals by February 2026 presents significant challenges. The security vacuum in Haiti is profound, and for democratic processes like a constitutional referendum and elections to genuinely bear fruit, a fundamental and robust shift in the security landscape is imperative. The current widespread control by organized gangs/criminal groups severely impedes the necessary space for free movement, secure campaigning and genuine public participation. For these democratic aspirations to move beyond rhetoric, more concrete and actionable plans are essential to confront and subdue these elements, including how the necessary military and financial powers can be mobilized legally and effectively. I want to think that Ramdin is now in a position to influence this level of thought and action, moving from words to poignant leaps. So why not? Why be stuck in the ‘old’ phase? From a pragmatic standpoint, engaging with various actors, including those who exert de-facto control, might be considered to understand power dynamics. However, any such engagement carries immense risks. It must be very carefully calibrated to avoid inadvertently legitimizing criminal enterprises and must fundamentally serve the long-term interests and safety of the Haitian population. Crucially, the legitimacy of any such approach must be rigorously weighed against the expressed will and trust of the Haitian people, who have suffered immensely under these groups. Still, the secretary-general’s leadership reflects a sober grasp of our region’s fragilities and the courage to confront difficult questions. With careful coordination, principled engagement and a clear moral compass, we can still realize a vision of a stable, democratic, and peaceful Haiti—and a hemisphere where, in his words, ‘democracy flourishes and human rights are protected, not seen as a threat.’”
Johanna Leblanc, adjunct professor at Howard University and former senior foreign policy advisor at the Embassy of the Republic of Haiti: “OAS Secretary-General Albert Ramdin’s call for a renewed strategy in Haiti is timely and commendable, but it is constrained by harsh realities on the ground. More than 80 percent of Port-au-Prince is controlled by gangs. According to the United Nations, more than 1.3 million Haitians are displaced, and over 5,000 people have been killed in the past six months alone. Haiti is not just facing a political crisis—it is confronting a national security emergency. Some have called Trump administration’s designation of two Haitian gangs as foreign terrorist organizations is a step in the right direction, but it exemplifies political instrumentalism—a policy tool used for optics and to score domestic political points without the necessary enforcement mechanisms to dismantle gang financing and arms networks. Amid institutional fragility, the Haitian government has reportedly hired a private military contractor with a controversial international track record. This reflects desperation but raises legitimate concerns about accountability, sovereignty, and long-term commitment to strengthen Haiti’s internal security forces. Given its structural limitations, the OAS is not equipped to lead a military response—but it can play a pivotal role in convening political will, coordinating resources and advocating targeted assistance. That assistance must prioritize bolstering the Haitian National Police and Armed Forces—institutions critical to restoring territorial integrity. Parallel support for constitutional reform and transitional justice—driven by Haitian stakeholders—is essential. However, the OAS can play a role in capacity building. Stabilizing Haiti by February 2026 is aspirational. What is achievable, however, is a principled, sequenced approach that centers Haitian agency and builds toward durable sovereignty.”
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